Skip to main content

“I am a Canadian, free to speak without fear, free to worship in my own way, free to stand for what I think right, free to oppose what I believe wrong, or free to choose those who shall govern my country. This heritage of freedom I pledge to uphold for myself and all mankind.” ~~ John G. Diefenbaker

FRASER INSTITUTE -- Understanding Universal Health Care Reform Options


Canada’s health care system has prominent features that distinguish it from virtually all other high-income countries that provide universal health care coverage. 

One such feature is the absence of private insurance markets for medically necessary services.


The Canada Health Act, along with the potential loss of federal government funding if the Act is violated, has resulted in provincial governments either prohibiting or severely discouraging health care providers from treating patients under both public and private insurance schemes. Providers are also prohibited or discouraged from operating completely outside of the public insurance scheme. Consequently, there is little legal scope or economic opportunity for suppliers of private insurance to operate in Canada, either by offering insurance coverage that replicates coverage under the public scheme or by supplementing coverage under the government insurance scheme.

Conversely, in most high-income countries with universal coverage, residents are free to choose between two options: full private coverage of all medically necessary services, or supplementary private coverage that facilitates faster access to medical procedures and treatments, wider selection of providers, and amenities such as private hospital rooms.

The Canadian health care system also provides “first-dollar coverage” for medically necessary services. That is, there is no patient cost sharing for services provided under the public insurance scheme. Hence, there is no market demand for private insurance, including self-insurance, to cover expenditures incurred using the government insurance plan.

The absence of patient cost sharing for publicly insured basic health care services is another feature of the Canadian health care system that distinguishes it from other countries with universal health insurance coverage. The overall result of restrictions on private payments, for medically necessary services and first-dollar coverage, is that there is no private insurance coverage or out-of-pocket payment for basic health care services in Canada -- which distinguishes Canada’s health care system from those of other high-income countries.

Opposition in Canada to private insurance markets for medically necessary services is ostensibly based on two concerns. These concerns are that allowing private insurance coverage will result in substantially reduced access to health care under the public insurance scheme; or that private insurance will result in inequities whereby wealthier Canadians obtain “better” health care than other Canadians.


The former concern is linked to an argument that the growth of private insurance options will weaken political support for the tax-funded public insurance option leading to reduced funding for the government plan and, consequently, reduced coverage for medically necessary services under that plan.

In fact, the experience of other high-income countries that allow private insurance markets does not support this argument. Specifically, there is no evidence that the availability and use of private insurance options for basic health care services leads to reduced access to health care under the public insurance scheme.


The argument that a private insurance market will result in inequities in access to health care services along socioeconomic lines is complex, and any evaluation of the argument is conditioned by the standard used to assess the overall social welfare impact of allowing private insurance for basic health care.

For example, it is likely that wealthier Canadians would enjoy faster access to services and, perhaps, a wider choice of providers and in-patient amenities compared to their less-wealthy counterparts. However, it is also likely that the existence of a private insurance market would reduce wait times for those Canadians exclusively using the public insurance scheme, especially in the case of services provided on an out-patient basis.

This substitution phenomenon, whereby those using private insurance reduce their demand for services insured under the public scheme, has been observed in a number of European countries, especially where private insurance is used to obtain quicker access to health care services than through the public insurance scheme.

The inference from the evidence is that a private health insurance market in Canada would reduce wait times for most, if not all, Canadians. In this regard, lower-income Canadians would enjoy improved access to health care services, notwithstanding that their improved access would not be identical to that enjoyed by wealthier Canadians. However, the existence of a single-payer system does not ensure identical access, either.

Under the current system, wealthier Canadians can obtain faster service by paying out of pocket for health care delivered outside the country. Moreover, a major concern about wait times for medically necessary services is that waiting will compromise the health of patients, resulting in the loss of income, reduced quality of life, and increased morbidity and mortality. Hence, to the extent that a private insurance market would reduce wait times in Canada for many patients, allowing private insurance is a significant policy instrument to improve the efficiency of Canada’s health care system.

The linkage between single-payer coverage and longer wait times is underscored by Canada having the longest wait times for medically necessary services among all high-income countries with universal coverage. At the same time, there is no consistent evidence that a “two-tier” health care system, in which some people use private insurance to pay for medically necessary services, results in unequal outcomes in health.

More specifically, there is no evidence that the poorer health typically suffered by individuals with below-average incomes and education is linked to the usage of private insurance markets by wealthier and more highly educated individuals.

While reducing wait times would be a substantial improvement in Canada’s health care system, perhaps the most significant benefit of allowing a private insurance market is that it will promote welfare-enhancing innovation in the provision of health care. Strong arguments can be made that private markets promote welfare-improving innovations. Improvements in health care technology should benefit all Canadians.

As developments proceed in areas such as artificial intelligence and genomics, the health care sector is arguably already realizing breakthroughs in diagnostic and treatment protocols that promise major improvements in morbidity and mortality rates. In this context, continuing to restrict the emergence of a private insurance market for medical services threatens to impose major costs on Canadians in the form of foregone improvements in the quality and timeliness of delivered health care services.

Arguments surrounding the pros and cons of private health insurance received some attention in the Chaoulli court case in Quebec, as well as in the case brought by Dr. Brian Day in British Columbia. That said, a systematic re-evaluation of allowing access to private health insurance for basic services seems appropriate, especially in light of theory and evidence that argues, on balance, that doing so would have net social benefits.

To read the full report, CLICK HERE

Resident Scholar and Addington Chair in Measurement, Professor Emeritus, Western Washington University

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Budget 2027: After a Decade of Decline, NDP Budget Delivers an Assault on Seniors, Working Families, and Small Businesses

Peter Milobar, BC Conservative Finance Critic, condemned the NDP government’s latest budget as the result of a decade of decline that has left British Columbians broke, unsafe, and paying more for less.   “After ten years of NDP mismanagement, this budget is an assault on seniors, working families, and the small businesses that drive our economy,” said Milobar. “The NDP have turned their back on the people working hardest to make ends meet and the seniors who built this province.” Milobar pointed to a new $1.1 billion annual income tax increase and warned that the government is piling new costs onto households already struggling with affordability.   “This government keeps asking British Columbians for more, while delivering less,” Milobar said. “The question people are asking is simple: Where has all the money gone?” Milobar noted that BC has gone from a surplus in the first year of NDP government to a projected deficit of more than $13 billion this year, while prov...

WARD STAMER -- Those are REAL forestry numbers, not just made-up numbers

The following is a condensed version of remarks Kamloops – North Thompson MLA Ward Stamer’s made, regarding Forestry, in the BC Legislature, on Tuesday afternoon (02/24/2026)   Let’s talk a little bit, when we talk about Budget 2026, about the forest industry, which is near and dear to my heart. Forestry remains one of British Columbia’s foundational industries. It’s a pillar that built this province. Entire communities depend upon it. Interior towns, northern communities, Vancouver Island regions, the Kootenays, the Lower Mainland, with manufacturing facilities in Surrey and Maple Ridge, just to name a few — everywhere in BC is touched by forestry. One word that was not mentioned in Budget 2026 was forestry. That’s a shame, an incredible shame. It wasn’t an oversight – it was intentional. This government has driven forestry into the ground .... INTO THE GROUND! We can talk a little bit about some of the initiatives that this government has brought forth, to try to resurrect ...

FORSETH -- Before anyone gets excited about one poll showing a candidate with a 25 percent lead, and 44 percent support overall, let’s give it a few more weeks

Is this based in reality -- how accurate are the numbers? In the past couple of weeks a couple of candidates, for the leadership of the BC Conservative Party, have been presenting polling results that they lead the pack – one even going so far as to say they have a lock on 44% of those who will be voting, and a twenty-five percent lead over the individual ranked second. I am going to say that this one, from Kerry-Lynne Findlay, is highly suspect. First of all the company conducting the poll, ERG National Research, is not a Member of Industry Bodies (the Canadian Research Insights Council), meaning they do not adhere to established industry standards for research, such as transparency, privacy, and methodological rigor. AI Overview states that ... based on alerts from the Canadian Research Insights Council (CRIC) and reports, ERG National Research should be treated with extreme caution regarding its reliability, and legitimacy, in conducting political polling. Before I even read this in...

Labels

Show more